The New Economics Of Investing And Giving In Australia 

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Every conversation about wealth creation in Australia eventually arrives at the same destination: the S&P 500.  It is the benchmark. The aspiration. The silent standard against which Australian fund managers are measured, found wanting, and replaced with index products that track it. 

The problem is that the S&P 500 is not a story about 500 companies. Not in any meaningful sense. It is a story about seven of them. 

Seven companies (Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, Meta, Microsoft, Nvidia, and Tesla) hold approximately one-third of the index by market capitalisation as of mid-2026. In 2023, this group contributed more than 60% of the S&P 500’s total annual gain. In 2024, more than half of that year’s gain. In 2025, just under half, as broader market breadth belatedly began to improve. Strip those seven out, and the S&P 500’s 2023 return is approximately 10%, not 26%. 

Why should we care? Australians who benchmark their long-term wealth against the S&P 500 headline are not benchmarking against the breadth of the American economy. They are benchmarking against a concentrated bet on artificial intelligence infrastructure and consumer technology platform dominance, and then measuring their domestic alternatives unfavourably against that very specific cohort. 

That is a benchmarking error, not a judgment about Australia. Simply, they’re not comparing Apples… and well, you get the point. 

What the comparison actually shows 

When you separate the Magnificent Seven from the remaining 493 companies in the index, the ‘S&P 493,’ or the ‘S&P 500 ex Mag. 7’, a grouping that has acquired its own usage in financial commentary, the comparison with the Australian market looks very different.  

The S&P 493 returned approximately 25 per cent in US dollar terms over 2023 and 2024. The ASX 200 total return index, which includes fully franked dividends reinvested, returned approximately the same figure in Australian dollar terms over the same period. 

At the headline level, before accounting for any structural considerations, the two benchmarks are broadly comparable. Once structural considerations are added, and they are significant, the domestic case strengthens considerably. 

Australian investors in US equities pay 15 per cent withholding tax on dividends under the US-Australia tax treaty. They receive no franking credits. They carry currency risk. They face complexity in capital gains treatment that domestic investors do not. A 4 per cent fully franked ASX dividend yield carries an effective after-tax return approaching 5.7 per cent for an SMSF in the retirement phase, because the 30 per cent corporate tax already paid on those earnings is refunded in full. No US equity can offer that. 

The policy shift makes the domestic case more pronounced 

The 2026–27 Federal Budget, handed down on 12 May 2026, represents the most significant restructuring of the Australian investment tax environment in a generation. The 50 per cent capital gains tax discount (a structural feature since 1999) will be replaced by cost-base indexation from 1 July 2027. The change effectively rewards real capital growth over inflation, a profile that favours quality, dividend-paying Australian equities. 

Division 296 (enacted in March 2026, effective 1 July 2026) imposes a 15 per cent additional tax on superannuation earnings attributable to balances above $3 million, and 25 per cent above $10 million. For high-balance investors reconfiguring positions in response, the character of income matters more: franked income, where the tax burden is partly prepaid at the corporate level, becomes relatively more attractive as other concessions narrow. 

Charitable donations remain fully deductible under the 2026 Budget framework. For individuals and businesses restructuring in response to the trust minimum tax and CGT changes, the tax efficiency of giving to DGR Item 1 and DGR Item 2 organisations has, in practical terms, increased. 

The American signal 

Advocates of heavy US equity exposure will point to the long-run record of the full S&P 500. That record is real. What is also real is what the United States Congress put in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, signed into law on 4 July 2025. 

Section 899 of the OBBBA would have authorised the US Treasury to designate ‘discriminatory foreign countries’; jurisdictions whose tax policies the Treasury determined targeted US businesses or citizens, and to impose retaliatory withholding tax increases of up to 15 percentage points above treaty rates on passive investment income earned by investors from those countries.  

Australia was distinctly classified as discriminatory, given its implementation of the OECD’s Undertaxed Profits Rule. 

Section 899 was removed from the final bill, following G7 negotiations in which the US agreed to stand down in exchange for commitments on Pillar Two treatment of US-parented multinationals. That G7 understanding is not enacted law in any jurisdiction. Section 899 can return. The appetite in the US Congress to use the tax code against foreign investors is not a fringe position. It is now documented policy thinking that came within a legislative vote of enactment. 

Australian investors should not read that as a reason to eliminate US exposure. They should read it as a reason to stop assuming that US equity markets will remain frictionless and tax-free indefinitely and to price that risk into the benchmark comparison. 

What investing in Australia actually means 

The argument for Australian domestic investment is not sentimental. It does not rest on the premise that Australian companies are globally superior. 

It rests on a rational assessment of after-tax economics in the current environment: franking credits generating real value that offshore holdings cannot match; a revised CGT framework rewarding real capital growth; Division 296 making the character of income more consequential for high-balance investors; and US tax policy introducing a category of risk (retaliatory withholding) that did not exist five years ago and now clearly does. 

That assessment leads somewhere beyond the share market. A country whose young people understand how its institutions work, how a bill becomes law, how an argument is constructed and challenged in public, how civic participation functions, is a country capable of making better collective decisions.  

That is the substrate on which long-run economic performance depends. The organisations building that substrate hold DGR Item 1 or DGR Item 2 status. Donations above $2 are fully deductible. The tax efficiency of that giving has increased under the current budget framework. 

The benchmark conversation Australia needs is not ‘S&P 500 versus ASX 200.’ It is: what does it actually return to invest in Australia, its companies, its institutions, and its next generation? That question has a better answer than the conventional narrative suggests. 

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